NAMES OF PARTIES. IN all ages when communities have been verging towards a revolutionary or transition state-or when the usual elements of the state have been put in agitation, the same sort of parties, characterized by nearly the same principles and feelings, have made their appearance—and have accordingly been designated by almost synonymous appellations. Yet it depends upon what is the primary idea which has gained the ascendency of the minds of the first or chief movers of such national commotions, what peculiar modifications of aspect these constantly recurring parties are to assume-and by what corresponding alterations of title their peculiarities of opinion and of purpose are to be marked. Thus in ancient times-and in the small and simple states which then played the chief part on the theatre of the world, the grand contest was between a democratical and an oligarchical or despotic form of government-and in reference to this state, the parties assumed the names of the "mountain," the "valley," and the “coast,”---these titles serving to mark out the simple arrangement of the classes into which society was then chiefly divided-and being in harmony with that imaginative and beautiful style of thought by which the classical ages are known to have been distinguished. The mountain party comprehended the great mass of the citizens who clamoured for a democracy-and who seem to have taken their name from their vast mass, and from the prominent place in society which they considered themselves to оссиру. In modern times, and in the course of the greatest revolution that has yet occurred, the same parties were designated by the titles of Jacobins-Aristocrats—and Moderes-but it is to be remarked, that the fundamental notion which had set the body politic in motion, was not in this case, simply the preference of a democracy to a monarchial or oligarchical government—but the establishment of a democracy, as one step towards that indefinite perfection of which the human race were supposed to be susceptible, and for the attainment of which, according to the Jacobins, they were certainly, and at no distant time, destined. This fundamental notion, originating in the abstract speculations of the philosophers and political economists, gave, accordingly, a peculiar tinge to all the subsequent forms which the revolutionary movement assumed, and in fact impressed on it a far deeper and more fearful character, than had ever been exhibited by the contests of the ancient states, simply for the etablishment of a democratical in preference to a monarchial or aristocratical govern ment. In the contest which is proceeding in this country at the present moment, another and more definite, and it must be confessed more philosophical modification was given to the same prominent parties, by the circumstance that it was not so much either the ancient strife, respecting a democratical government—or the abstract and metaphysical refinements of the French Encyclopedists respecting the essential perfectibility of mankind, that gave the first impulse as simply the tenet that reform should be adopted as a necessary corrective of the evils, to which, from a long previous state of things, the whole institutions of the country had been subject—and this idea naturally expanding itself and assuming the almost unconscious form of a speculation respecting the progressive tendencies of society in general, speedily led to the improved designations of the Conservative—the Reforming—and the Radical parties. These names evidently point to certain general views respecting the grand principles which guide the order of the entire arrangements of Providence—and it is hence that, in the present treatise, it was almost impossible to separate completely the philosophical views which the subject suggested, from their applications, occasionally, at least, to the principles of the different parties which are at present struggling for the mastery. It thus appears that the same fundamental parties and views make their appearance in all times when the general mass of the community, under the influence of revolutionary notions, has been put into commotion-and are we not then entitled to conclude, from the past instances which history has supplied as to the progress and termination of any subsequent movement in which the same principles, however modified or named, shall be called into operation. Or are we entitled to suppose, that it may be reserved for one community more cautious and reserved in its struggles than all that have preceded it, to pass through the first stages of this fitful fever without having its constitution destroyed by its ultimate and hitherto irresistible ravages. These are questions which lead to much interesting reflection—and which, in one view of them, are calculated to beget the most alarming apprehensions. In the present moment, notions of perfection to be speedily attained by mankind have unquestionably mingled themselves, at least in many minds, with the prevailing style of thought, as well as with the revolutionary notions which preceded the great disorganization of French society---and the worst form too of these notions has made itself apparent among a very powerful and influential portion of the community.---I mean, what is termed the principle of destruction---or an entire up. rooting of all present arrangements and institutions, as the first and most effectual step towards that complete regeneration which society is to undergo. It is unnecessary to recal the awful scenes which the insane attempt to realize this idea is known to the whole world to have produced---nor can there be a more unphilosophical attempt---though it is one which the heated imaginations of the French speculatists prompted them not only to execute but to applaud and defend. 66 What," says the author of the Essay on Revolutions, "what was the spirit of this sect?-Destruction---To destroy was their object to destroy was their argument. But what did they wish to substitute for the present situation of affairs? Nothing.Still, however, they who throw down ought to rebuild the edifice---and this is a difficult matter, which should put us upon our guard against innovations. One effect of our weakness is, that negative truths are within the reach of all mankind, whereas positive reasons occur only to the enlightened. A fool will easily give a good reason against any thing, but hardly ever a good reason for any thing." HUMOURS OF THE TIME. "WEAK people," it has been well remarked, are the light troops of the wicked: they do more mischief than the main army itself for they infest a country and commit ravages." The force of this observation may be understood, by reflecting that if opinions were left solely to the discussion of superior and powerful minds, the most mischievous and unfounded would speedily find their level, and they could have no permanent or very dangerous influence on the general condition of society. It is because opinions, or vague and erroneous modes of thought, once broached by the speculating part of mankind, are caught by the multitude of superficial thinkers, and made the common topics of discussion—or still worse, are attempted to be realized by actual institutions that they assume their most dangerous aspect -and ultimately become most detrimental to the order and happiness of human life. This idea was never more powerfully exemplified than by the events of recent times-and in the country to which we have the honour to belong-and it may not, therefore, be improper that we look back a little on the ludicrous forms which human opinion has lately assumed-and on the absurd and fantastic aspects which it has communicated to the prevailing modes of sentiment and conduct. It depends, however, very much upon even so apparently insignificant a thing as the mere name or word which becomes fashionable in a time of change—what is to be the character which is to be given to the first attempts of the multitude to realize the notions they have been led to conceive. Thus, in the period preceeding the French Revolution, the terms that were employed, corresponding to the violent feelings of the time, were almost all such as had a tendency to generate a ferocious turn of thought in the body of the people—and the repetition of these words in daily use, served to support and to embitter the bad passions which had been cherished against all lawful authority---and all sound institutions. Hence the savage aspect which that great revolution assumed from its very first movements---and the unparalleled thirst of blood and of destruction which marked its progress. The period of change in Britain commenced with notions of a different kind---and the word Reform-one of the most apparently innocent and laudable which could be held sacred-was thrown among the people as the symbol of the party by whom the new order of things was patronized and carried forward. It was thus a milder temper from which the first movement originated--and the word employed to designate the object of that movement operated as the chief incitement to most of the absurdities-and as we mean to represent them---ludicrous exhibitions, which that scene of the drama that has already been enacted---has undoubtedly presented on the public stage. If the farce were to terminate here---or if it were in its future progress, to be, as its authors assert, only a varied exhibition of the same sort of folly, it would be more a matter of laughter--or at the most, of pity, for the fooleries of which a whole people may be guilty---than any thing to be looked to with execration--or to be contemplated in its results with great fear. But, in the mean time, it is proper that the ridiculous opening of the piece should not pass altogether unobserved or uncommemorated---and, with this purpose, we shall note the following particulars as the chief ingredients of this display of absurdity. 1. In the first place, Reform being the word that was given to the people---all hearts and heads were instantly at work to discover throughout the whole mass of society---and in all its institutions...from the highest and most comprehensive, to the lowest and most private---what things were capable of change--or could be made the subjects of that reforming process which was considered as the grand invention and most honourable achievement of the age. If the whole of the house-maids of Britain had at once been set a scrubbing their pots—and dusting their old clothes ---and all this in the open air, and for the purpose of giving splendour to some holiday which was approaching, the tumult and folly could not have been greater, than was exhibited by all the corporations of Britain-public and private-secular and religious |