142 as the mover of the I The relief measur The second of the series of of its benefits, those who should n masters. The act al (except ecclesiastics These two first b The third bill marriages be: not yet arr. ne more oppr gar lib civil enoug Irelan truth religio of the the la til a Franc lute e gions. In Febru tion f the r corru bench libert The was n to ass freedo From The streets of Dublin were lined with the Volunteers-the House of Commons was a great centre, round which all the city appeared moving. Inside, rank and fashion and genius were assembled; outside, arms were glistening and drums sounding. It was the commencement of a new government, and the king had sent a message of peace to Ireland. unite in the closest and best riveted bonds see the realization of their splendid hopes. of affection, the kingdom of Ireland to her beloved, though hitherto unkind sister." This was the sentimental cant of politics; but the upshot was, that the Declaration of Rights was to be moved on the 16th of April, and it was only left to the genius of intrigue to yield with assumed grace what England dared no longer withhold. No civil letters to courtly vanity-no philosophic generalities and specious pro- The message was similar to that delimises could effect anything with Volun-vered to the English House, and when teer artillery. The epistles had all the it had been read, Mr. George Ponsonby graces of Horace Walpole, and were moved that an address should be presented, abundant in compliments: the compli- which might mean anything, and meant ments were returned, but the Declaration nothing. It was to tell his majesty that was retained. Grattan, if his own wisdom the House was thankful for a gracious could have allowed it, would not have message, and that it would take into its dared to pause. He stood in the first serious consideration the discontents and rank-a hundred thousand men were be- jealousies which had arisen in Ireland, hind him in arms-he could not hesitate. the causes of which should be investigated It was his glory and his wisdom to with all convenient dispatch, and be subadvance. And he advanced in good ear-mitted to the royal justice and wisdom of nest, nor staid his foot till it was planted on the ruins of usurpation. On the 9th of April, Fox communicated to the House of Commons in England, the following message from the king "George R., his majesty, being concerned to find that discontent and jealousies are prevailing among his loyal subjects in Ireland upon matters of great weight and importance, earnestly recommends to this House to take the same into their most serious consideration, in order to such a final adjustment as may give mutual satisfaction to both kingdoms. G. R." A similar communication was made to the Irish Parliament by John Hely Hutchinson, principal secretary of state in Ireland, who, at the same time stated that he had uniformly maintained the right of Ireland to independent and exclusive legislation, and declared that he would give his earnest support to any assertion of that right, whether by vote of the House, by address, or by enactment. his majesty. When this motion, very full of the solemn plausibilities of loyalty and the generalities of pretended patriotism, was made, Henry Grattan rose to move his amendment. It was a moment of great interest. The success of the motion was certain, but all parties were anxious to learn the extent of the demands which Grattan was about to make. As the "herald and oracle of his armed countrymen" he moved the amendment which contained the rights of Ireland; and confident of its success, he apostrophised his country as already free, and appealed to the memory of those great men who had first taught the doctrine of liberty which his nobler genius had realised. He moved: "That a humble address be presented to his majesty, to return his majesty the thanks of this House for his most gracious message to this House, signified by his grace the lord-lieutenant. "To assure his majesty of our unshaken attachment to his majesty's person and government, and of our lively sense of his paternal care in thus taking the lead to administer content to his majesty's subjects of Ireland. A scene of still greater excitement and interest occurred on this occasion, and that which has so carried away the citizens of Dublin two years before, when Grattan first introduced the question of Irish rights. 66 The nation had become That, thus encouraged by his royal strong and confident by success-they interposition, we shall beg leave, with all had achieved free trade their military duty and affection, to lay before his maorganization had attained the greatest jesty the causes of our discontents and perfection of discipline and skill-their jealousies. To assure his majesty that progress was, indeed, triumphant, they had but one short step to take. There was, therefore, great excitement through Ireland as to the issue of Grattan's Declaration of Right, not that they apprehended failure, but that all men felt anxious to his subjects of Ireland are a free people. That the crown of Ireland is an imperial crown inseparably annexed to the crown of Great Britain, on which connection the interests and happiness of both nations essentially depend; but that the kingdom of Ireland is a distinct kingdom, with a made an alliance with France, whose great Parliament of her own-the sole legisla- Revolution was now rapidly approaching; ture thereof. That there is no body of so there would have been happily an end men competent to make laws to bind this to the British empire. Unfortunately the nation except the King, Lords, and Com-statesmen of that country were as wise mons, of Ireland; nor any other Parlia-as they were treacherous. On the ment which hath any authority or power 17th of May, simultaneously in the two of any sort whatsoever in this country Houses at Westminster, Lord Shelburne save only the Parliament of Ireland. To in the Lords and Mr. Fox in the Comassure his majesty, that we humbly con- mons, having read the addresses of the ceive that in this right the very essence of Irish Parliament, moved-"That it was our liberties exists; a right which we, on the opinion of that House that the act of the part of all the people of Ireland, do the 6th Geo. I., entitled 'An Act for the claim as their birthright, and which we better securing the dependency of Ireland cannot yield but with our lives. upon the Crown of Great Britain, ought to be repealed." "To assure his majesty, that we have seen with concern certain claims advanced by the Parliament of Great Britain, in an act entitled 'An act for the better securing the dependency of Ireland:' an act containing matter entirely irreconcilable to the fundamental rights of this nation. That we conceive this act, and the claims it advances, to be the great and principal cause of the discontents and jealousies in this kingdom. On the the 27th of May, the Duke of Portland officially communicated to the Irish Parliament this great and memorable concession, which he said came from "the magnanimity of the king and the wisdom of the Parliament;" closing his message with these words:-"On my own part I entertain not the least doubt but that the same spirit which urged you to share the freedom of Great Britain will confirm you "To assure his majesty, that his majes-in your determination to share her fate ty's Commons of Ireland do most sincerely wish that all bills which become law in Ireland should receive the approbation of his majesty under the seal of Great Britain ; but that yet we do consider the practice of suppressing our bills in the council of Ireland, or altering the same anywhere, to be another just cause of discontent and jealousy. "To assure his majesty that an act, entitled An Act for the better accommodation of his majesty's forces,' being unlimited in duration, and defective in other instances, but passed in that shape from the particular circumstances of the times, is another just cause of discontent and jealousy in this kingdom. "That we have submitted these, the principle causes of the present discontent and jealousy of Ireland, and remain in humble expectation of redress." also, standing or falling with the British nation." This is the kind of cant which has ruined Ireland: yet the plain and eternal truth-that while the British nation stands, Ireland must fall, and vice versa, was even then well understood by Irish patriots, and often avowed by Grattan himself. "Ireland," said he, "Ireland is in strength; she has acquired that strength by the weakness of Britain, for Ireland was saved when America was lost: when England conquered, Ireland was coerced; when she was defeated, Ireland was relieved; and when Charleston was taken, the mutiny and sugar bills were altered. Have you not all of you, when you heard of a defeat, at the same instant condoled with England, and congratulated Ireland." "Poynings' Law" was still on the statute book; and the work of enfranThe address was carried unanimously chisement was not complete until it was in both Houses; and Parliament took a repealed: as it was an Irish statute, it was short recess, to allow time for the matter the Irish Parliament which had to repealit; to be dealt with in England. Nobody and this was immediately done on motion either in Ireland or England doubted of Mr. Yelverton. Grattan introduced a the issue. It was quite certain that the bill "to punish mutiny and desertion,' declaration of the Irish Parliament was which repealed the perpetual mutiny act, all-sufficient to establish the liberty of the and restored to Parliament a due concountry. trol over the army; also another bill to reverse erroneous judgments and decrees, a measure which was supposed at the time to have settled the question of the final judicature of Ireland, and to have taken from the English Lords and King's Bench their usurped appellate jurisdiction. At the same time that the legislature One may now be allowed to regret that Lord North's administration was no longer in power. In that case England would have refused concession; would have attempted to enforce her pretensions in Ireland: war would have been the inevitable result; Ireland would have necessarily K was thus taking securities and guarantees "It is difficult," says Mr. MacNevin, (as it thought) for permanent independ-" to have much sympathy for the extraence, it was not forgetful of the honour- vagant amount of gratitude awarded to able debt due to the man who, above all the British Parliament by the leading others, had conduced to restore the dignity men of the day in Ireland. They treated and independence of Ireland. Fifty thou- the rights of Ireland as though their sand pounds were voted to Henry Grattan, establishment was not the work of Irishhis friends having declined for him the men, but the free gift of English magnalarger tribute of £100,000 as at first pro- nimity. And the address moved by posed, and having also refused an insidious Grattan 'did protest too much.' Nooffer of the Phoenix Park and Viceregal thing can be imagined more artlessly Lodge, which had been made by Mr. innocent than this address moved by Mr. Conolly on the part of the Government. Grattan in reply to the viceroy's official Ireland was now, at least formally and announcement to Parliament of the repeal technically, an independent nation. of the declaratory act. It assures his majesty "that no constitutional question between the two countries will any longer exist which can interrupt their harmony, and that Great Britain as she has approved our firmness so she may rely on our affection." It further assures his majesty "that we learn with singular satisfaction the account of his successes in the East and West Indies," etc. :which was doubtlessly extremely polite, but essentially false and foolish, because the mover of the address, and every one who voted for it, knew well that successes of England anywhere in the world were disasters to Ireland. CHAPTER XXI. 1783-1784. Effects of Independence.-Settlement not final. English plots for the Union.-Corruption of Irish Parliament.-Enmity of Flood and Grattan. Question between them.-Renunciation Act.Second Dungannon Convention.-Convention of Delegates in Dublin.-Catholics excluded from all Civil Rights.-Lord Kenmare.-Lord Kenmare disavowed.-Lord Temple.-Knights of St. Patrick.-Portland viceroy.-Judication Bill.-Habeas Corpus.—Bank of Ireland.-Repeal of Test Act.-Proceedings of Convention.-Flood's Reform Bill.-Rejected.-Convention dissolved. End of the Volunteers.-Militia. Lord Clare, who understood the true relations between the two countries better than any other Irish statesman, in order to prove that the transactions of 1782 between Great Britain and Ireland were not considered as final, tells us, that on Ir would be extremely pleasing to have the 6th of June the Duke of Portland now to record, that this nation, thus eman- thus wrote to Lord Shelburne: "I have cipated by a generous impulse of patriot- the best reason to hope that I shall soon ism, and launched forth on a higher and be enabled to transmit to you the sketch wider career of existence, gave a noble or outlines of an act of Parliament to be example of public virtue, tolerance, purity, adopted by the legislatures of the respecand liberality. Such is not the record we tive kingdoms, by which the superintendare to give. England had not (of course) ing power and supremacy of Great Briyielded the independence of her "sister tain, in all matters of state and general island" in good faith. Finding herself, commerce, will be virtually and effectufor the moment, unable to crush the rising ally acknowledged; that a share of the spirit of her Irish colony by force, she expense in carrying on a defensive or feigned to give way for a time, well deter-offensive war, either in support of our mined to have her revenge, either by fraud or force, or by any possible combination of those two agencies. From the very moment of the acknowledgment of Ireland's freedom, British ministers began to plot the perpetration of "the Union." The very nobility of nature and unsuspicious generosity of the leading Irish patriot of the day, so prompt and eager to gush out in unmerited gratitude, so cordially impatient to put away every shadow of ill-will between the two "sister countries," gave the English administration a great advantage in devising their plans for our utter ruin. own dominions, or those of our allies, shall be borne by Ireland in proportion to the actual state of her abilities, and that she will adopt every such regulation as may be judged necessary by Great Britain for the better ordering and securing her trade and commerce with foreign nations, or her own colonies and dependencies, consideration being duly had to the circumstances of Ireland. I am flattered with the most positive assurances from and of their support in carrying such a bill through both Houses of Parliament, and I think it most advisable to bring it to perfection at the pre |