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any design, will constantly be confounding, that is, a marked distinction between change and reformation. The former alters the substance of the objects themselves, and gets rid of all their essential good, as well as all the accidental evil annexed to them. Change is novelty; and whether it is to operate any one of the effects of reformation at all, or whether it may not contradict the very principle upon which reformation is desired, cannot be certainly known beforehand. Reform is, not a change in the substance, or in the primary modification of the object, but a direct application of a remedy to the grievance complained of. So far as that is removed, all is sure. It stops there, and if it fails, the substance which underwent the operation, at the very worst, is but where it was.
To innovate is not to reform,Burke.
675. The world will not endure to hear that we are wiser than any have been which went before. In which consideration there is cause why we should be slow and unwilling to change, without very urgent necessity, the ancient ordinances, rites, and longapproved customs, of our venerable predecessors. The love of things ancient doth argue stayedness, but levity and want of experience maketh apt unto innovations. That which wisdom did first begin, and hath been with good men long continued, challengeth allowance of them that succeed, although it plead for itself nothing. That which is new, if it promise not much, doth fear condemnation before trial ; till trial, no man doth acquit, or trust it, what good soever it pretend and promise. So that in this kind there are few things known to be good, till such time as they grow to be ancient.—Hooker.
676. We ought not to be over anxious to encourage innovation in cases of doubtful improvement, for
an old system must ever have two advantages over a new one;—it is established, and, it is understood.-Lacon.
677. All systems and institutions, whether civil or ecclesiastical, which are incapable of moving along with the tide of general improvement, will sooner or later be swept away by its progress.-W. B. Clulow.
678. The opponents of national or political innovations are commonly those who are equally averse to alteration in the state and sentiment of their own minds. A person will hardly dread the thought of exterior or public change, whose ideas in general are undergoing a process of incessant change or augmentation. Yet this is certainly the case with every thinking or disciplined mind; for what is intellectual advancement, but a series of intellectual innovations ?-W. B. Clulow.
679. It would be easy to draw such a picture of the laws and institutions of almost any country, as without including a single circumstance decidedly incorrect, might induce a person unacquainted with the actual particulars of the case, to imagine, that scarcely the slightest grievance or misery existed among the community. The suppression of some facts and a certain arrangement or colouring in the exhibition of others, may have all the effects of positive falsehood in misleading the judgment.W.B. Clulow.
He that looks back to the history of mankind will often see, that in politics, jurisprudence, religion, and all the great concerns of society, reform has usually been the work of reason slowly awakening from the lethargy of ignorance, gradually ac
quiring confidence in her own strength, and ultimately triumphing over the dominion of prejudice and custom.-Dr Parr.
681. Light, whether it be material or moral, is the best reformer: for it prevents those disorders which other remedies sometimes cure, but sometimes confirm.-Lacon.
682. This is not the liberty which we can hope,that no grievance should ever arise in the commonwealth ;—that let no man in this world expect : but when complaints are freely heard, deeply considered, and speedily reformed, then is the utmost bound of civil liberty attained that wise men look for.—John Milton.
683. Man who, speaking of him collectively, has never reasoned for himself, is the puppet of impulses and prejudices, be they for good or evil. These are, in the usual course of things, traditional notions and sentiments, strengthened by repetition, and running into habitual trains of thought. Nothing is more difficult, in general, than to make a nation perceive anything as true, or seek its own interest in any manner, but as its forefathers have opined or acted. Change in these respects has been, even in Europe, where there is most of flexibility, very gradual ; the work, not of argument or instruction, but of exterior circumstances slowly operating through a long lapse of time.-H. Hallam.
684. For the Constitution which we now enjoy we are indebted to many various causes, in many successive ages : to the sagacity of statesmen—to the fortitude of patriots—to consequences which fell not within the good or the evil intentions of the primary agents—to the jealousies, as well as confede
racies, of powerful classes-to the defeats, as well as successes, of contending parties—to the weaknesses and vices, as well as the talents and virtues, of the ruling powers. But a constitution worthy of remaining, or even likely to remain, among a civilized people, never has been contrived, nor ever will be, by any one man, or any one body of men.-Dr Parr.
685. The Government of England is a government of law. We betray ourselves, we contradict the spirit of our laws, and we stake the whole system of English jurisprudence, whenever we entrust a discretionary power over the life, liberty, or fortune of the subject to any man, or set of men whatsoever, upon a presumption that it will not be abused. Letters of Junius.
686. We should never suffer any invasion of our political constitution, however minute the instance may appear, to be passed over without a determined, persevering resistance. One precedent creates another; they soon accumulate and constitute law. What yesterday was fact, to-day is doctrine. Examples are supposed to justify the most dangerous measures, and where they do not suit exactly, the defeet is supplied by analogy.-Letters of Junius.
687. No men are prone to be greater tyrants, and more rigorous exactors upon others to conform to their illegal novelties, than such whose pride was formerly least disposed to the obedience of lawful constitutions, and whose licentious humours most pretended conscientious liberties.-Charles 1.
688. The liberty of the press is the palladium of all the civil, political, and religious rights of an Eng. lishman; and the right of juries to return a general
verdiet, in all cases whatsoever, is an essential part of our constitution, not to be controlled or limited by the judges, nor, in any shape, questioned by the legislature.—Letters of Junius.
689. By looking back into history, and considering the fate and revolutions of government, you will be able to draw a guess, and almost prophesy upon the future. For things past, present, and to come, are strangely uniform, and of a colour, and are commonly cast in the same mould. So that upon this matter, forty years of human life may serve for a sample of ten thousand.-Marcus Antoninus.
690. Men of comprehensive and penetrating genius are often more vehement in reprobating erroneous or foolish acts of legislation, than to others appears necessary. The truth is, they have a deeper insight into the absurdity or pernicious tendencies of what they oppose, than the generality dream of.W. B. Clulow.
691. Acts of legislation are too momentous in their consequences, to be debased by ostentatious courtesy, or wanton rudeness, to any members or any classes of the community. In the discussion of political topics, men of observation see only folly, or affectation, or flattery, in the profession of separating measures from men; and surely in the more solemn process of enacting penal laws, the framers of them ought to keep in view the possible imperfections of those who are to administer, as well as the actual malignity of those who may violate them. -Dr Parr.
692. Law, in the proper sense of the word, is entitled to absolute obedience: it is the support of liberty, civil and religious, but cannot take away either :