Page images
PDF
EPUB

Sami induced Arabi and two other colonels, Ali Fehmy, commanding the 1st Regiment, and Abd' el 'Al, to write a petition to the Khedive, asking that the Minister of War, Osman Rifki, should be dismissed, and that an inquiry should be held into the qualifications of the foreign officers who had recently received promotion,-"for," said the petitioners, "we ourselves are far superior to those who have been elevated."

[ocr errors]

The petition was insolent in tone, and it was presently decided to put the three signatories under arrest. On 1st February 1881, on the pretext that arrangements had to be made for a certain procession which was about to take place, they were ordered to appear at Kasr el Nil barracks, which stand on the east bank of the Nile; and the location of this building suggested to Arabi's ignorant mind that they were about to be done to death. He had reason to suppose, he declared, that a steamer was moored against the barrack-square, and upon this he and his friends were to be taken a short way down stream. Iron chests were prepared on board, into which he and his colleagues were to be pushed, the chests being then dropped into the Nile. Their friend Sami warned them that death in some horrible form no doubt awaited them; and between them a plan of action was concocted. It was decided that if the three colonels had not returned from Kasr-el-Nil after two hours had elapsed, their soldiers should come to their rescue, led by Sami.

Thus, with this assurance but with heavy hearts, Arabi, Ali Fehmy, and Abd' el 'Al, were led off to their unknown fate. At the barracks their worst

fears were realised. They found themselves in the presence of a court-martial, and were forthwith subjected to a cross-examination of the most penetrating character. Such procedure in Egypt, however, is always a slow matter, and the two hours had elapsed before the case for the prosecution began to form itself. But it was never completed; for suddenly, with a rush and a yell, the rescue party, some hundreds strong, charged into the barracks and burst into the court-room. Chairs and tables were upset, the judges were pelted with their own manuscripts, and were goodhumouredly tumbled head first into the pools of ink which lay upon the floor before them; the officers of the court were pushed and bumped about by the soldiery; and in a moment the court-martial presented a spectacle which might have suggested a scene in 'Alice in Wonderland.' Nobody, of course, was hurt, for the Egyptians are inclined to treat these affairs in the manner of a game, but everybody was hot, and flushed, and splashed with ink; and in this condition the whole company, headed by the regimental band, marched over to the palace, where, in the courtyard before the windows, the three colonels demanded that Osman Rifki should resign from the Ministry of War in favour of Mahmoud Sami, that the

Turkish and Circassian officers the tourists at the hotel. On should be excluded from the service, and that the strength of the army should be increased.

It was now the height of the tourist season in Cairo, and it happened that the regimental band had an engagement to play at a hotel during the hour of tea. As the troops awaited the Khedive's decision, the bandmaster looked at his watch and reminded Arabi of the appointment, for the hour was drawing near. The officers knew quite well that if the band marched off the troops would wander away too, and the demonstration would prove a fiasco; but, on the other hand, nothing would persuade the bandsmen to neglect their remunerative engagement. The whole matter, therefore, resolved itself into the question as to whether the Khedive would hold out until the tourists' tea-time, or whether he would give in before that hour. Thus the mutinous officers spent their time in whispering and looking at their watches, or in turning anxious, pleading eyes towards the benign musicians, who did not seem to realise that they held at that moment the destinies of Egypt in their power.

The Khedive Tewfik, however, did not know of the musical arrangements for the day, and, after one last look at the formidable host outside his windows, decided to grant -for the moment - all their requests, whereupon the troops dispersed with ories of "Long live the Khedive!" and the band hurried off to play to

the next morning Arabi and his colleagues waited on the Khedive, and made their humble apologies to him for the disturbance of the previous day. They were extremely nervous as to their safety, and their deeds of the day before now seemed to them to have been terribly bold. They believed that the Khedive would find means of putting them to death, and, although His Highness accepted their protestations of loyalty, they looked for mercy from him in the event of a return of his power.

no

For some months Arabi and his brother officers lived, thus, in a perpetual state of nervousness; but in July 1881 matters once more came to a head. The Khedive suddenly dismissed

Mahmoud Sami from the Ministry of War, and the office was given to His Highness's brother-in-law, Daoud Pasha. At about the same time a story began to be circulated that Tewfik had obtained a secret fetwa, or decree, from the Shêkh-ulIslam, the active head of the Muhammedan religion, authorising him to put the three colonels to death for high treason. There was no truth in this, but, on the other hand, there is no doubt that the Khedive intended to take drastic measures against them. On the night of September 8 a police agent visited the house of Arabi, but was refused admission. Being convinced that the man had been sent to murder him, Arabi hurried to the house where lived his

two colleagues, who reported he could collect and to await that they had received a similar visitor, to whom admission had likewise been refused. That night, therefore, they planned the great coup of the following day, by which the whole history of modern Egypt was decided. Sitting in a back room, with lights turned low, these three colonels, distracted, wrought, and thoroughly frightened, agreed that mutiny was their only possible means of escape, -that the time had come for them to lead their regiments to the Khedive's palace and to make their power recognised at the point of the sword.

a

On the next morning, September 9, the 3rd Regiment received orders to proceed at once to Alexandria, it being the obvious intention of the Government to diminish the numbers of the disaffected troops in Cairo. This order served as the signal for the mutiny; and, under the leadership of Arabi, the troops announced their intention of marching to Abdin Palace. On hearing this the Khedive was distracted; and, mistrusting in this moment of despair the advice of all his native councillors, sent for the one man upon whom he felt that he could rely, Sir Auckland Colvin, the British Controller-General of the Egyptian Debt. Sir Auckland believed that the only decent course to adopt was that of bold opposition to the mutineers, and he advised the Khedive to put himself immediately at the head of whatever loyal troops

the arrival of Arabi in formidable array. The Khedive seemed to agree to this, and together they drove over to the Abdin barracks, where the troops were known to be loyal. Here they were received with protestations of fidelity; and therefore with more confidence they drove on to the Citadel, where again the troops received them with approval. As it was now mid-afternoon Sir Auckland Colvin advised the Khedive to march the loyal troops to Abdin, but His Highness, much elated by his ap parent popularity, decided that it would be nice to drive on to the distant Abbassieh barracks where Arabi lodged, in order to parley with the mutineers. This was done; but when they arrived they learnt, as every body knew all the time, that Arabi had already marched with 2500 men and 18 guns to Abdin. The carriage was therefore turned, and, by making a long detour, the Khedive and Sir Auckland reached a back door of the palace without molestation. Hastening into one of the front rooms and looking through the windows, they saw that the court in front of the building was held by troops in open square, and that the 18 guns were trained upon the palace. The unwieldy Arabi could be seen prancing about on horseback, together with some of his brother officers, making a very brave show in the light of the afternoon sun. Sir Auckland Colvin at once told the Khedive that without delay

he must come out into the the strength of the army square and face his enemies. should be increased. These Together, therefore, they de- demands in actual fact did scended the great staircase not in any way represent the and advanced boldly towards urgent wishes or needs of the the mutineers. people, and it would seem that they had been formulated without much consideration to serve as a casus belli. Arabi did not represent a patriotic movement, and at that time he was not popular outside the disaffected regiments. The proposal to increase the strength of the army, and thereby add further to the load of the tax-payer at a time when the country was painfully in debt, was neither wise nor magnanimous. However, with troops and guns facing them, the Khedive did not feel inclined to resist; and, turning to Sir Auckland, he gloomily remarked, "You hear what he says."

"When Arabi presents himself," whispered Sir Auckland to His Highness, "tell him to give you his sword, and to give the troops the order to disperse. Then go the round of the square and address each regiment separately." In a few moments Arabi approached, still on horseback. The Khedive, with some nervousness, told him to dismount. Arabi awkwardly obeyed, and, after disentangling himself, advanced on foot, having with him several officers and a guard with fixed bayonets.

"Now is your moment," said Sir Auckland to His Highness.

"We are between four fires," said the Khedive, adding after a while, "What can I do? We shall be killed."

A painful pause ensued, and at last the Khedive, much agitated, told Arabi to sheath his sword. Arabi, however, was himself so frightened that, though he hastily attempted to obey the order, his shaking hands would not fulfil their office, and for some moments the point of his sword rattled and blundered aimlessly around the mouth of the scabbard. The Khedive, getting control of his voice, then asked what all the trouble was about; and Arabi, wiping the cold sweat from his face, stated his demands—namely, that all the Ministers should be dismissed, that a Parliament should be convoked, and that

Sir Auckland replied somewhat sharply that it was not fitting for the Khedive to discuss such questions with his colonels, and advised him to retire to the palace. This His Highness did with great promptness, and Sir Auckland Colvin remained in the square for about an hour arguing with Arabi and his officers. Sir Charles Cookson, the acting British Consul - General, then arrived, and the negotiations were continued, the Khedive being consulted every now and then by means of messages.

At length His Highness agreed to dismiss his Ministers and to refer the other two points to the Porte. Sherif Pasha, chosen by the mutineers, was made President of

the Council, the announcement wishes. At about this time

being received with shouts of "Long live the Khedive!" Arabi then made his submission to His Highness, swearing once more to be a loyal servant of the throne, and the troops marched off in perfect quietness. The Khedive thereupon sat down and telegraphed to Constantinople for 10,000 Turkish troops with which to quell the mutineers (a request which was not granted), and Arabi, on his part, issued a kingly circular signed "Colonel Ahmed Arabi, representing the Egyptian army," assuring the consuls - general that he would continue to protect the interests of foreigners, and so forth.

Sherif Pasha having agreed to take office only on condition that the disaffected regiments should leave Cairo, Arabi, nervous for his own safety and horrified by his own daring, thought it would be prudent to comply. He therefore retired to Suez, and his colleagues were sent to Damietta. His departure from Cairo had the nature of a royal progress through the streets, for the deeds of September 9 had made him very popular; and at the railway station he made a speech, stating that a new era had dawned for Egypt. At Zagazig a fête was held in his honour, at which about a thousand persons were present; and here he made another speech, urging the dismissal of all Europeans in Egyptian Government employment, and stating that he had three regiments in Cairo which could be relied on to carry out his

Arabi made a long statement to Sir Auckland Colvin, the tone of which was curiously naïve and ignorant. At great length, and with much labour, he explained that men came of one common stock and should have equal rights, and that it was for equal rights that the army contended. He now disclaimed his desire to get rid of foreigners, explaining that they were the necessary instructors of the people, and pointing out that they had given him the only schooling he had ever had. The impression left on the mind of Sir Auckland by this declamation was that Arabi was a sincere, but not at all a practical, man.

In the first week of January 1882 Arabi was recalled to Cairo and made Under-Secretary for War, it being felt that it was better for him to belong to the Government than to be outside it; whereupon he at once began again to plot against the Khedive. At about this time there appeared in 'The Times' a manifesto demanding Egypt for the Egyptians, and asking that all foreigners should be dismissed; and it was generally supposed that it was written or suggested by Arabi. Various letters signed "Ahmed the Egyptian" appeared in the papers, and people in England began to question whether Arabi was not, after all, a noble patriot.

On 5th February Arabi managed to get himself made Minister of War, and now, with the army at his back, he felt that he could call

« PreviousContinue »