Valentine Brown P. Bellew Robert Butler Thomas Kavanagh Farrel Caddell Robert Caddell N. Dease John White John Baggot James O'Reily Hugh O'Reilly William O'Reilly James Moore Pierce Birmingham Luke Masterson Edward Fanestall Tyrrel O'Reily Richard Farrell Anthony Dermott And above three hundred other respectable persons. Having given a brief account of the state of the catholics of this kingdom since the revolution to the present time, groaning under the oppressive weight of the popery laws: I shall now conclude with the following extract from the observations of that judicious and impartial writer, Mr. Young, on the State of Ireland; and leave the candid and unprejudiced reader to judge of the cruel treatment and long sufferings of these people. "It is no superficial view I have taken of this matter in Ireland, and being at Dublin at the time a very trifling part of these laws was agitated in parliament, I attended the debates, with my mind open to conviction, and auditor for the mere purpose of information: I have conversed on the subject with some of the most distinguished characters in the kingdom, and I cannot after all but declare that the scope, purport, and aim of the laws of discovery as executed are not against the catholic religion which encreases under them, but against the industry, and property of whoever professes that religion. In vain has it been said, that consequence and power follow property, and that the attack is made in order to wound the doctrine through its property. If such was the intention, I reply, that seventy years experience prove the folly and futility of it. Those laws have crushed all the industry, and wrested most of the property from the catholics; but the religion triumphs; it is thought to encrease. Those who have handed about calculations to prove a decrease, admit on the face of them that it will require FOUR THOUSAND YEARS to make con 586 STATE OF THE CATHOLICS, &c. verts of the whole, supposing that work to go on in future, as it has in the past time. But the whole pretence is an affront to common sense, for it implies that you will lesson a religion by persecuting it: all history and experience condemn such a proposition. The system pursued in Ireland has had no other tendency but that of driving out of the kingdom all the personal wealth of the catholics, and prohibiting their industry within it. The face of the country, every object in short which presents itself to the eye of a traveller, tells him how effectually this has been done. I urge it not as an argument, the whole kingdom speaks it as a fact. We have seen that this conduct has not converted the people to the religion of government; and instead of adding to the internal security of the realm, it has endangered it: if therefore it does not add to the national prosperity, for what purpose but that of private tyranny could it have been embraced and persisted in? Mistaken ideas of private interest account for the actions of individuals, but what could have influenced the British government to permit a system which must inevitably prevent the island from ever becoming of the importance which nature intended!-Young's Tour in Irel, vol. ii. p. 48-9. APPENDIX. NUMBER I. From the MSS. Trinity College, Dublin. A brief Declaration of the Government of Ireland; opening many corruptions in the same; discovering the discontentments of the Irishry; and the causes moving those expected troubles: and shewing means how to establish quietness in that kingdom honorably, to your majesty's profit, without any encrease of charge. [Wrote in the government of sir William Fitz-Williams, who was six years lord deputy in Ireland; that is, from the year 1588 to the year 1594.] By Captain THOMAS LEE, 1594. Anno Regni Reginæ 37°. TO THE QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY, UNDERSTANDING, most gracious sovereign, the proud and insolent terms the lords of the north of Ireland do now stand upon, it maketh me bold to set down my knowledge of those parts to your majesty, because I have debated often with the chiefs of them, what was fit they should yield unto your majesty; and that it was unmeet for them in any sort to condition with your highness in the end (after long debating) they seemed somewhat to like and allow of that which I demanded, as hereafter shall appear. And because your majesty may the better judge the causes of their discontentments, I have here set down the unconsciable courses which have been held towards them, which being remedied, and that they may see your majesty doth no way allow of the same, there is no doubt (notwithstanding all their proud shews of disloyalty) but that they may be brought to dutiful obedience, and to yield you that profit which neither your majesty now hath, nor any of your progenitors ever had; so as they may likewise have that which they demand, being nothing unfit for your majesty to grant. In which discourse, if any thing should seem unpleasing to your majesty, I humbly beseech you to pass it over, and to peruse the rest, whereof I doubt not, but something will content your highness, for that it tendeth to your highness's service and commodity. My meaning, whereby your highness's profit may arise, is by O'Donnel, Maguire, Bryan Oge O'Roirke, and Bryan Oge M'Mahon. The demands I made for your majesty were these, that they should receive your majesty's forces into their countries: and your laws to go current, as they did in other places; and some part of their countries to be reserved for your majesty, to dispose unto them who should govern them, and they to charge themselves with that proportion that was fit for them to bear. To those demands they all yielded, so that they might have such gentlemen chosen, as they knew would use no treachery nor hard measures towards them, but to live upon that which your majesty would allow; and that which they would give of their free consents, and to be no further charged; and they would be as dutiful as any other country in Ireland now is. And how this may be performed, I have made bold' with your majesty's favourable liking, here to set down upon my knowledge, both how your majesty's forces may be received with their consent, and they to yield great profit in discharge of that which your majesty allows to the soldiers to be well satisfied. The cause they have to stand upon those terms, and to seek for better assurance, is the harsh practices used against others, by those who have been placed in authority, to protect men for your majesty's service, which they have greatly abused and used in this sort. They have drawn unto them by protection, three or four hundred of these country people, under colour to do your majesty service, and brought them to a place of meeting, where your garrison soldiers were appointed to be, who have there most dishonorably put them all to the sword; and this hath been by the consent and practice of the lord deputy for the time being. If this be a good course to draw these savage people to the state, to do your majesty service, and not rather to enforce them to stand upon their guard, Thumbly leave to your majesty. When some one who hath been a bad member (pardoned by your majesty) hath heard himself exclaimed upon to be a notable thief after his pardon; and hath simply come in without any bonds, or any other enforcement, to an open-session, to take his trial, by your majesty's laws, if any could accuse him: notwithstanding his coming in after this manner, and without any trial at the time (because he was a bad man in times past) there hath been order given in that session for the execution of him; and so he has lost his life, to the great dishonor of your majesty, and discredit of your laws. There have also been divers others pardoned by your majesty, who have been held very dangerous men, and after their pardon have lived very dutifully, and done your majesty great service, and many of them have lost their lives therein; yet, upon small suggestions to the lord deputy, that they should be spoilers of your majesty's subjects, notwithstanding their pardon, there have been bonds demanded of them for their appearance at the next sessions. They knowing themselves guiltless, have most willingly entered into bonds, and appeared, and there (no matter being found to charge them) they have been arraigned only for being in company with some one of your highness's servitors, at the killing of notorious known traitors; and for that only have been condemned of treason, and lost their lives. And this dishonest practice hath been by the consent of your deputies. When there have been notable traitors in arms against your majesty, and sums of money offered for their heads, yet could by no means be compassed, they have in the end (of their own accord) made means for their pardon, offering to do great service which they have accordingly performed, to the contentment of the state, and thereupon received pardon, and have put in sureties for their good behaviour, and to be answerable at all times, at assizes and sessions, when they should be called; yet, notwithstanding, there have been secret commissions given for the murdering of those men. They have been often set upon by the sheriffs of shires, to whom the commissions were directed, in sundry of which assaults, some of them have been killed, and others have hardly escaped. And after all this, they have simply come, without pardon or protection, to an open place of justice, to submit themselves to your majesty's laws; where they have been put to their trial upon several indictments, of all which they have been acquitted, and set at liberty. If this be allowable, for poor mea to be handled in this manner, and to be at no time in safety of their lives I humbly leave to your majesty, When many notorious offenders have submitted themselves to your majesty's mercy, and have been accepted, and have had their pardons, and have put in good assurances to be at all times answerable to your laws; the chiefest rebel (whose followers they were) hath been countenanced and borne out by your state, to rob and spoil, burn and kill these poor men, who did thus submit themselves. When they have very pitifully complained against that arch-rebel and his complices, of these outrages, they have been sharply rebuked and reproved for their speeches, and left void of all remedy for their losses; so as when in the end they have made petition to have licence by their own means, and help of their friends, to recover their goods from the rebels, they have been rejected, and utterly discomforted; yet, nevertheless, remained dutiful subjects, although. they see, that such as continue notorious malefactors, are in far more safety than they who depend upon your majesty's defence. For it is well to be proved, that in one of your majesty's civil shires, there lived an Irishman, peaceably and quietly, as a good subject, many years together, whereby he grew into great wealth, which his landlord thirsting after (and desirous to remove him from his land entered into practice with the sheriff of the shire, to dispatch this simple man, and divide his goods between them. They sent one of his own servants for him, and he coming with his servant, they presently took his man, who was their messenger, and hanged him; and keeping the master prisoner, went immediately to his dwelling, and shared his substance (which was of great value) between them, turning his wife and many children to begging. After they had kept him fast for a season with the sheriff, they carried him to the castle of Dublin, where he lay by for the space of two or three terms; and having no matter objected against him, whereupon to be tried by law, they by their credit and countenance, being both English gentlemen, and he who was the landlord (the chiefest man in the shire) informed the lord deputy so hardly of him, as that without indictment or trial they executed him, to the great scandal of your majesty's state there, and impeachment of your laws. For if this man had been such an offender as they urged, why was he not tried by ordinary course of law, whereby good example of justice might have been shewed, and your highness benefited by his wealth, which they shared; but to cut him off by martial law, who was a good householder, inhabiting a civil country always liable to law, and last imprisoned in Dublin (where all the laws of that land have their head), was, in my conceit, rater rigour than justice; for as martial law is very necessary, and (in my opinion) ought to be granted to all governors of remote and savage places, where your majesty's laws are not received, with all other authority and power, severely and sharply to cut off or punish offenders, according to the quality of their offence, until such time as the people shall become civil, and embrace the laws and peaceable living (for till then they are not to be governed without the like measure of justice) so to use the same where the people are civil and obedient to other laws, is very indirect, and savours of cruelty; and yet this, and the like exemplary justice, is ministered to your majesty's poor subjects there, who, if they have once been offenders, live they never so honestly afterwards, if they grow to any wealth, are sure by one indirect means or other to be cut off. When there have been means made to an aged gentleman (never traitor against your majesty, neither he nor any of his ancestors, and dwelling in one of the remotest parts of your kingdom) to come into your state; and that the hard courses used to others, made him demand security for his coming in, which hath been sent unto him by great oaths and protestations, delivered by the messenger, whereof he hath accepted, and thereupon come in yet, notwithstanding all these promised safeties, this aged gentleman hath been detained prisoner for six years, and so yet remaineth. And his imprisonment is the only colour to satisfy your majesty for a wonderful great charge, which your majesty and your subjects were then put unto. But his detaining contrary to promise, hath bred great fear in all or most of his sort (in those parts) of crediting what your state there shall promise. When upon the death of a great lord of a country, there hath been another nominated, chosen, and created, he hath been entertained with fair speeches, taken down into his country, and for the offences of other |