secure of mastering those they had already on their hands." He yielded to pressure, and, unfortunately for him, it became known that he would yield to pressure. Louis and Avaux at last triumphed, and James became as clay in the hand of the potter. The two Frenchmen discerned that the prospects of a counter English revolution were small indeed, while those of an Irish revolution were tolerably great. Ireland might possibly secure a nominal independence, but France would be the power behind the throne. The colonists could be expelled, the Roman Catholics restored, and their Church be made the established Church of the nation. Ireland would be linked to France by the strong tie of a common hostility to England. Louis might count on the Irish to fight his battles and their land to provision his troops. The harbours of the country, especially in the south, would afford support to his navy whence his ships might issue forth to harass the trade of England. Little wonder then that with these aims in view Avaux supported the Irish party so heartily. Louvois was delighted to receive from his political agent such welcome news. The best thing, Louvois replied, that King James could do would be to forget that he had ever reigned in Great Britain and to think only of putting Ireland into a good condition, and of establishing himself firmly there.1 The policy of France had won a complete triumph with the success of the diplomacy of the wily Avaux, and Louis now seemed to hold within his grasp the necessary instruments for his deeply laid plans.

CHAPTER III

THE STRUGGLE IN THE NORTH

AN opportunity was not wanting to test the influence of the Irish and English factions, and it was evident that James felt reluctant to throw himself completely into the hands of the Irish. Troops under the brigadier, Pusignan, were sent north to reinforce the Jacobite army, and the question that exercised the parties was, Should James follow them? or, Should he stay in Dublin? Both sides set forth plausible reasons why James should or should not go. But behind it all lay the real issue at stake— Were the English or the Irish to rule in the counsels of James? If he remained in Dublin, there was little doubt that the French party would win the day, while if he marched northwards the English stood to gain a decisive victory.1 When Londonderry fell-and its fall was believed to be imminent-he might sail for Scotland, where his House was sure of loyal, personal support.2

In the Council a trial of strength ensued between Tyrconnel and Melfort, and the latter won, to the deep mortification of Avaux.3 The French ambassador accurately diagnosed the underlying motives of these prominent advocates of the opposing policies. Of Tyrconnel he wrote enthusiastically. "If he were a born Frenchman he

1 Hist. MSS. Com. xii. 7. 240.

Sarsfield writes that the French interest is too predominant in Ireland, and that the late king cannot bestow any considerable places upon any without the consent of the French ambassador.

2 Avaux to Louvois,

Mar. 25
Apr. 4

3 Ireland's Lamentation, pp. 26-29; the letters of Avaux during April 1689.

could not be more zealous for the interests of France." 1 Of Melfort he truly observed: "He is neither a good Irishman nor a good Frenchman. All his affections are set on his own country." It is impossible to state more lucidly or more concisely the essential difference between the competing factions.

James set out on his march Ulsterwards, and Avaux accompanied him, resolved, if opportunity offered, to discount the advantage gained by his adversary. Tyrconnel was left in Dublin in charge, but in a subtle sense he went with them, for in the desertion of the country they beheld the results of his policy. The people had fled, and it was consequently difficult to provide sustenance for either man or beast. Even at the royal table food was so scarce that guests had their bread and wine carefully doled out to them. Rumour went that bad as was their plight at present, it would become much worse when they marched from Charlemont to Strabane. The weather too proved unpropitious, and the elements fought against them. When they reached Omagh on the 16th of April, James received alarming letters, announcing that at Strabane the Protestants had assembled in strength, and that near the mouth of the Foyle English men-of-war had been sighted. The untoward news shook the resolution of James, and, to the despair of Melfort and the delight of Avaux, he announced his determination to retrace his steps. They returned to Charlemont, but there James found awaiting him a despatch telling him that the Protestants of Strabane had retired before Hamilton, and that Derry must shortly surrender. The wavering monarch once more changed his mind, and that night he again rode northward." Avaux, overcome by the hardships of the journey and piqued by Melfort's

1689.
"
Apr. 4

15'

5 Clarke, ii. pp. 330, 334, 335; Nairne Papers, D.N., vol. i. fol. No. 16: "La seule chose, sire," wrote Avaux, "qui pourra nous faire de la peine est l'irrésolution du roy d'Angleterre, qui change souvent d'avis, et ne se détermine pas toujours au meilleur. Il s'arreste aussy beaucoup à de petites choses, où il employe tout son temps, et passe légèrement sur les plus essentielles."

fresh triumph, definitely decided to go back. His decision served his cause. The farther north James went the more the Irish distrusted him. The farther south Avaux came the more they believed in him. The Irish determination to rely on French assistance seemed to receive a fresh impulse.

In the meantime Hamilton had been conducting his campaign with surprising rapidity. His policy was to bring matters to a head as swiftly as possible; on the other hand, his enemies resorted to Fabian tactics of masterly inactivity until an army should arrive from England. The Central Council proclaimed William and Mary King and Queen in the market-places at Armagh and at Hillsborough, and the other towns devoted to them. Tyrconnel, imitating the methods of William, asked the Reverend Alexander Osborne to assure the northern leaders of free pardon in case they should lay down their arms. Osborne merely promised to convey this message, but in addition thereto he placed before the nobility and gentry at Loughbrickland a memorandum of his own." Of its seven heads three deserve quotation. "1. That for the Irish army, though their horses were good, yet their riders were but contemptible fellows, many of them having been lately cow-herds, etc.2 2. That their provisions of ammunition were not plentiful. 3. That should those of the north comply with the offers made to them, they had no reason to expect any true performance, the Lord Tyrconnel having broken all such capitulations as he had lately made in the like case with the Protestants in the south and west of Ireland, and thereby reduced them to poverty and slavery." This communication shows the impressions created by the Jacobite breaches of faith in the cases of Captain Dixie and Lord Mountjoy. Osborne warned the Council, "as they value their lives

2 Cf. Ireland's Lamentation, p. 31: "Those of their present army, both officers and soldiers, are mostly the very scum of the country, cowboys and such trash, as tremble at the firing of a musket, much more will at many."

3 Walker, p. 47; cf. Leslie, Appendix, p. 15.

and interests, not to put confidence in the Lord Tyrconnel or any of his promises, but if they possibly could to defend themselves to the utmost.'" "1 "Lying Dick Talbot" had every reason to deplore his reputation for perfidy.

As Osborne came from Dublin his account of the troops there was regarded as particularly valuable, and served to raise the sinking spirits of the men of the north. They rejected the proposals of Tyrconnel, and scattered broadcast copies of Osborne's optimistic communication.2 He it was, too, who brought them the first intelligence of the advance of Hamilton, whose steps, curiously enough, had been hastened by a letter from another clergyman, O'Haggerty. The Council were still debating when they heard with consternation that the forces of the enemy were but a few miles distant. The Williamites were compelled to retire, burning and destroying provisions and forage on the expected line of march. At Dromore, in County Down, Sir Arthur Rawdon tried to make a stand, but when Hamilton's men arrived in sight his tenants fled. The Break of Dromore was the first serious repulse the Ulstermen had sustained. Their main body, under Rawdon and Major Baker, made its way to Coleraine, where it was joined by Lord Blayney from Armagh and Colonel Stewart from Dungannon. Hamilton followed them to Coleraine and was repulsed there. James, in consequence of this defeat, resolved to support Hamilton with his army. Near Portglenone they crossed the Bann and the Williamites were therefore obliged to fall back upon Derry. The only other place in Ulster that withstood James was Enniskillen. As the Jacobites afterwards crowded to Limerick, so now on all sides men hurried to the maiden city. They came from Antrim, 1 Boyse, Vindication of the Rev. Mr. Alexander Osborn, p. 21.

2 Ibid. p. 16; cf. Walker, Vindication of the True Account of the Siege of Derry, p. 16. 3 Story, p. 13.

4 Mackenzie, ch. ii.; Ireland's Lamentation, p. 26; Bennet, True and Impartial Account of the most material Passages in Ireland, since Dec. 1688, pp. 13, 17.

5 Avaux to Louis, from Dublin, April 14, 1689.

Négociations de M. Le Comte D'Avaux en Irlande, 1689-90, p. 91; Jacobite Narrative, 45-46.