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croachments and quarrels that would be perpetually occurring in such remote regions and embroiling the two nations; whereas the retention of Canada "implied every security," and would at once and for ever cut off all hazard of future wars between France and England, from causes originating in that seed-bed of hostilities, which, if restored, would become more and more fruitful, demanding a continually-increasing military establishment and a rapidly-augmenting expenditure. If Canada be retained, says Franklin, "we shall then, as it were, have our back against a wall; the seacoast will be easily protected by our superior naval power; and the force now employed in that part of the world may be spared for other service, so that both the offensive and defensive strength of the British empire will be greatly increased."

The third point relates to "the blood and treasure spent in America," by the mother-country, which the Remarker had said was expended only in the cause of the colonies. This notion, a very prevalent one both then and afterward, Franklin met with a full and clear exposure of its fallacy and injustice. He did not pretend that the colonies were "altogether unconcerned," for their people were then warmly attached to the mother-country; and they not only took pride in her glory and prosperity, in peace and war, but had “ exerted themselves beyond their strength and against their evident interest," in her behalf. But their loyalty "had made against them;" and for no better reason than the fact, that the battles of Great Britain had been fought in America, the allegation had been made that the colonists were "the authors of a war, carried on for their advantage only." No individual and no public body of any kind, in the colonies, had any individual or separate interest in the retention of Canada; they wished for no lands but those they already possessed, and for no con

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quests, except only for the sake of peace and security within their own borders. Indeed, so far as their pecuniary interests, in this particular, were concerned, the acquisition of additional territory would be a detriment, by bringing more land into market, and thus contributing to retard the growth of their existing settlements. mother-country, on the contrary, had a direct and substantial interest in this increase of territory and cheap lands, through the influence it would necessarily exercise in restricting the inhabitants to agriculture as their great occupation; and thus, by enlarging the demand for the manufactures of the mother-country, nourish her commerce and navigation, and augment her wealth and her naval power.

Besides, it was unjust and invidious, for another reason, to represent the blood and treasure spent in the war, as being spent in the cause of the colonies only. The colonies were, in truth, but part of the frontiers of the empire; and, so long as they preserved their allegiance, had as perfect a claim to protection as any county in England. The acquisition of Canada was not sought to gratify "a vain ambition" on the part of the colonies, as the Remarker had insinuated; it was sought for the benefit of the whole empire, and such would be the result of retaining it. Should the kingdom engage in a war for the protection of her manufacturing and commercial interests, would it be just or decent to charge "the blood and treasure" expended in it, to the account of “the weavers of Yorkshire, the cutlers of Sheffield, or the button-makers of Birmingham"?

Under the fourth head, the argument in favor of the extension of the colonial settlements toward the Mississippi and along the great lakes, and the advantages that would result to the mother-country from their vast increase of population and general prosperity, is expanded

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and enforced with peculiar ability and the exhibition of the most statesmanlike views. The Remarker had objected that the interior of that broad territory could not be reached for the purposes of trade to the benefit of Great Britain, and that its population, soon ceasing to have any intercourse with the mother-country, would become useless if not dangerous to her interests. In reply, it is shown that the objection proceeded from ignorance of the character of that country and the remarkable facilities furnished by its rivers and lakes for an internal trade of greater extent, activity, and productiveness, than any other region of the earth. In illustration of this point, reference is made to the trade, long carried on, for British account, in the most interior parts of Europe, against great natural difficulties, and the still greater embarrassments arising from the clashing legislation of numerous states; and a comprehensive and masterly view is added of the various routes of commerce through Asia and Europe in ancient and modern times. The Indian trade, also, is adduced to show that, in point of fact, that interior was actually traversed in every direction, and that the canoe was but the precursor of the larger craft destined to swarm on those unrivalled waters. It is thus demonstrated that, while the colonial population would be spreading westward, the manufactures of England, with whatever merchandise her ships might bring, would certainly follow the people, who would adhere to agriculture as their main occupation, till those vast and fertile regions should be brought under cultivation; that manufactures could not naturally grow up in such a country, inasmuch as the population would be too sparse for that, while land was cheap; that the climate and soil were so varied as to invite the cultivation, not only of food of every kind in the greatest abundance, but of a wide variety of raw products for

manufacture in England; that the result to Great Britain would be a rapid increase of numbers, wealth, arts, and power, on her own soil, as well as in her colonies; a navigation that would cover the seas, and a navy to ride with it round the world.

Compared with such vast benefits to the mother-country, the natural fruit of the permanent possession of Canada, and of the consequent security and growth of the American colonies, all that the possession of Guadaloupe could promise was insignificant indeed; and as to the danger of disaffection and separation on the part of the colonies-a point much magnified on the other side— it was but imaginary, so long as the imperial government should be administered with ordinary justice and discretion, and the charters of the colonies, together with their local laws and usages for the regulation of their own internal concerns, should be respected. The policy of ancient Rome, in this particular, was an example of wisdom worth imitating. She left the countries she subdued to their own institutions, independent of each other and tranquil, so long as they preserved their allegiance to her. In pursuance of this policy, she went even so far as to release the Grecian states from the Macedonian yoke, and give them their separate independence and their own laws, not retaining even the appointment of their governors. Rome, by this magnanimous and therefore wise policy, not caring for the ostentatious but irritating parade of sovereignty, enjoyed the trade of the dependent nations, received their tribute, and swayed the world, without a standing army, until "the loss of liberty and the corruption of manners in the sovereign state subverted her dominion."

But the policy of the Remarker would leave Canada to the French, to check the dangerous growth of the American colonies. "A modest word, this check," says

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Franklin- "for the massacre of men, women, and chil`dren." To restore Canada on such ground, would be to invite the French and their savage allies to renew their barbarities, and the stain of such blood-guiltiness would rest on Britain. Better than this would be the Egyptian policy of old, to strangle at its birth every male-child born in the colonies. But the danger of separation, and the narrow jealousy which suggested the policy of restoring Canada, was idle and unjust, except only on the supposition of "the most grievous tyranny and oppression" on the part of the mother-country. People," says Franklin, "who have property to lose, and privileges to be endangered, are generally disposed to be quiet, and to bear much, rather than hazard all. While the government is mild and just—while important civil and religious rights are secure-such subjects will be dutiful and obedient. when the wind blows."

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The waves do not rise but

This able pamphlet concludes with a statistical exhibit of the commercial value of Guadaloupe and the colonies, demonstrating the superiority of the latter, and showing that, if tropical produce and trade were to be the controlling objects, the possession of Guadaloupe was far less desirable than that of French Guyana and Cayenne, on the neighboring mainland of South America, which, from the small number of the French there, could be much more easily occupied by a British population, and held more quietly under British authority, than Guadaloupe, fully peopled as it was by the French, who would always be disposed to throw off the jurisdiction of foreigners and return to their original, natural connections.

Such is an imperfect outline of this able, enlightened performance. It exerted a very extensive and powerful influence on the public mind, and unquestionably contributed much to shape the course of the ministry in