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century you have, in some instances, mistaken our mutual interest. I sent you my herds and my focks, filled your people with abundance, and gave them leisure to attend to more profitable purfuits than the humble employment of shepherds and of herdsmen. Bat you rejected my produce *, and reprobated this intercourse in terms the most opprobrious. I submitted ; the temporary loss was mine, but the perpetual prejudice your own. I incited my children to in dustry, and gave them my principal materials to manufacture t. Their honelt labours were attended with moderate success, but faf. ficient to awaken the commercial jealousy of some of your fons ; indulging their groundless apprehenfions, you defired my materials and discouraged the industry of my people. I complied with your wishes, and gave to your children the bread of my own; but the enemies of our race were the gainers; they applied themselves with tenfold increase to thole pursuits which were restrained in my peo. ple, who would have added to the wealth and ftrength of your empire what by this fatal error you transferred to foreign nations. You held out another object to me, with promises of the utmoft encouragement t. I wanted the means, but I obtained them from other countries, anıl have long cultivated, at great expence, and with the most unremitted efforts, that species of industry which you recommended. You foon united with another great family ș, engaged in the fame pursuit, which you were also obliged to encourage among them, and afterwards embarked in it yourself

, and became my rival in that which you had destined for my principal support. This sap. port is now become inadequate to the increased number of my offspring, many of whom want the means of fubsistence. My ports are ever hospitably open for your reception, and shut, whenever your interest requires it, againit all others; but your's are in many inftancés barred against me: with your dominions in Aga, Africa, and America, my sons were long deprived of all beneficial intercourse; and yet to those colonies 'I transported my treasures for the payment of your armies, and in a war waged for their defence, one hundred thousand of my sons fought by your side Il. Conquest attended our arms. You gained a great increase of empire and of commerce ; and my people a farther extension of restraints and prohibitions +. In those efforts I have exhausted my strength, mortgaged my territories, and am now finking under the pressure of enormous debts contraced from my zealous attachment to your interests, to the ex. tenfion of your empire, and the increase of your glory. By the pre

† Wool.

The English act of Ch. II, calls the importation of cattle from Ireland, a common nuisance.

I The linen manufacture. Ś Scotland. li This number of Trithmen was computed to have served in the fleets and armies of Great Britain during the last war.

+ The furs of Canada, the indigo of Florida, the sugars of Dominica, St. Vincent's, and the Grenades, with every other valuable production of those acquisitions, Ireland was prohibited to receive but through another channel. Her poverty scarcely gathered a crumb from the sumptuous table of her sister.'


fent unhappy war for the recovery of those colonies, from which they were long excluded, my children are reduced to the lowest ebb of poverty and distress. It is true, you have lately with the kindest intentions, allowed me an extensive liberty of selling to the inhabit. ants of those parts of your empire, but they have no inducement to buy, because I cannot take their produce in return. Your liberality has opened a new fountain, but your caution will not suffer me to draw from it. The stream of commerce, intended to refreth the exhausted strength of my children, Ries untafted from their parched lips.

The common parent of all has been equally beneficent to us both. We both poliess in great abundance the means of industry and of happiness. My fields are not less fertile, nor my harbours less numerous than your's. My sons are not less renowned than your own for valoar, justice, and generosity. Many of them are your descendents, and have some of your best blood in their veins. But the narrow policy of man has counteracted the instincts and the bounties of nature, In the midst of those fertile fields, some of my children perilh before my eyes for want of food, and others fly for refuge to hoftile nations.

“Suffer no longer, respected Gler, the narrow jealousy of commerce to mislead the wisdom and to impair the strength of the state. lacrease my resources, they shall be your's; my riches and strength, my poverty and weakness will become your own. What a triumph to our enemies, and what an affliction to me, in the present distracted circumftances of the empire, to see my people reduced, by the necellity of avoiding famine, to the resolution of trafficking almost solely with themselves! Great and powerful enemies are combined against you, many of your diftant connections have deserted you, increale your strength at home, open and extend the numerous resources of my country, of which you have not hitherto availed yourself or allowed me the benefit. Our increased force, and the full exertions of our ítrength, will be the most effectual means of refifte ing the combination formed against you by foreign enemies and diltant subjects, and of giving new lutre to our crowns, and happiness and contentment to our people.”

The voice of our fifter has been attended to, and the has since expreffed herself in the language of acknowledgment, and reconciliation. Art. 16. Terms of Conciliation : or, Considerations on a Free

Trade in Ireland; on Pensions on the Irish Eftablishment; and on an Union with Ireland. Addressed to the Duke of Northumberland. 8vo. 2 s. Millidge. 1779.

This loose, vague declamation displays just knowledge enough to furnish out an oration for Coachmaker's-Hall, or any other six-penny club for beer and politics. Who the writer is, does not appear, but we are more than once given to understand, that a disregard of his advice produced all our American troubles: poslibly then, the dread of neglecting him a second time, may have proved a lucky circumftance for Ireland at this juncture.

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Art. 17. Impartial Thoughts on a Free Trade to the Kingdom ofi

Ireland. In a Letter to Lord 'North. Recommended to the Confideration of every British Senator, Merchant, and Manufacturer, in this Kingdom. 8vo. I s. Millidge. 1779.

This may probably be the same letter-writer trying his dexterity on the other side of the question ; and it is not easy to decide between them, on the preference of execution.

POLITICA L. Art. 18. Renovation without Violence yet poffible. 8vo. 6d,

Longman. . 1780. The renovation here recommended to our attention, is that of the British constitution of government; which conftitution the Author confiders as reduced to a state of debility and corruption. His plan is, to unite into one body of confederate states, the several distinct parts of the empire, including North America, and the East and Welt Indies. He seems to be rather warmly attached to his project ; bat, though not a very dispaflionate writer, he offers some striking observations :-and in times like these, or in any times, every man should be heard, who has any thing to propose for the welfare of the community.--Solomon hath asserted, (and who shall dispute with Solomon :) that“ in the multitude of counsellors there is safety." Art. 19. A Letter to the Whigs. 8vo. 15. Almon. 1780.

An honeft, tefty, plain, old-fashioned disciple of John Locke (for such he professes himself) here avows his utter abhorrence of the reviving doctrines of passive obedience and non-resistance, with all their odious train of despotic ideas. He earnestly expatiates on the manifold corruptions of the state, and recommends truly patriotic asociations, as the only means of working out our political salvation. This zealous Whig seems to express the ditates of a warm heart, in a blunt, onequivocal syle, which, to many readers, will be more acceptable than the smoother strain of more polished wri. ters, and more refined reasoners. Art. 20. The Republican Form of Prazer, which ought to be

used in all Churches and Chapels, &c. on Friday the 4th of February, being the Day appointed for a General Fast, &c. Witbout his Majesty's special Command. 8vo. 19 Pages for i s. Bladon. 1780.

Republican politics in scripture language; or, the Bible turn'd American, Art. 21. Difpafionate Thoughts on the American War; addressed

to the Moderate of all parties. 8vo. I S. Wilkie. 1780. Truly dispassionate, and sensible. The advice given by this mo. derate and judicious Writer, is, that we should immediately relinqailh the American war, as a scheme not only impracticable, but impolitic; and then to turn our whole national strength againit the house of Bourbon : with whom, he thinks, we are able to cope, with every prospect of success. What he urges on this very important subject, is the more worthy of attention, as he does not seem to be a If he appears to lean any way, it is toward administracion.


Art. 22. The Detector, No. I. to be continued occasionally,

during the present Session of Parliament. 8vo. 6d. Becket. 1780,

SPECIMEN. ' To prevent these little squalls from gathering into a hurricane, government fould send some press-gangs to attend these county affociations ; for many of those who are appointed to the Committee of Correspondence, as well at York as at Middlesex, come within the meaning of the act; and I am of opinion they would appear more respectable in the subordinate character of a foldier, than a politician, as they seem to have more spirit than wis. dom, more ardour than discretion, and more folly than judgment.' Art. 23. The Sense of the People : In a Letter 'to Edmund

Burke, Esq; on his intended Motion in the House of Commons, the nith Init. Containing fome Observations on the Petitions now fabricating, and the proposed Associations. 8vo. 1 s. Becket. 1.730.

Intended to prove that the sense of the associators, &c. is not the sense of the people : a very small proportion of whom (the Author 'contends) have acquiesced in the resolutions of those who have as. Sfted at the county meetings. This seems to be a halty writer, ani. mated rather by an excess of zeal for the cause of administration, than by knowledge or judgment. Art. 24. The Constitution of England; in Five Letters: As they

were published in the Gazetteer in the Month of January, 1778; and now appear to merit a Republication, as they do, in a very clear and malterly Manner, thew the constitutional Right of the collective Body of the People to assemble and to declare their ge. neral Opinion on Matters of Government. To which is added, an Observation on the Impropriety of Petitions preferred by the conftituent Body to the House of Commons, or to either of the other two Branches of parliamentary Power. By a Preeholder of Middlesex; but no Petitioner. 8vo. IS. E. Johnson. 1780.

These letters contain many good, and some uncommon, observations on the nature of our free constitution : a subject which very few of us attend to, and which fill fewer among us understand. Art. 25. Four Letters to the Earl of Carlisle, from William Eden,

Efq; The Third Edition. To which is added, a Fifth Letter. 8yo. 45. sewed. White, &c. 1780.

In our Review for December last, we gave some account, from the first edition, of Mr. Eden's very sensible and elegant correspondence with Lord Carlisle, his brother Commissioner, on the late un. successful business of our overtures to America. We there remarked, among other observations, that these Letters contain ' a serious, accurate, and comprehensive review of the present political situation of this country; including distinct eltimates of our public difficulties, and our national relources : from all which the very ingenious Writer “ sees, or thinks he sees, [his own words] much solid ground for hope, and none for despondency."—We added, that whatever are Mr. Eden's principles (for he is undoubtedly partial to administracion)' he writes with a masterly pen--that his mode of argu.


M 4

ment is candid, and his manner agrecable. We may here, too, observe, that he all along preserves such an air of moderation, and decent regard to the characters and opinions of respectable men, who entertain different sentiments, both of measures and prospects, a3 cannot fail of procuring for himself, and for his reasonings, a great degree of approbation, and deference, from all parties, where violence does not exclude candour, and prejudice shut the door against conviction.

In the fifth Letter, added in the present edition, the Author treats on POPULATION; on certain REVENUE Laws and REGULATIONS, connected with the intereits of COMMERCE ; and on PUBLIC Oeco: NOMY. On all these subjects, he is the messenger of glad tidings. His specelations are of a complexion very opposite to those of Dr. Price, whose effimates, and most alarming deductions, he endeavours 10 refute ; while he opposes him in a manner becoming the character of a Gentleman, and with that conciliating urbanity, from which men of letters Thould never depart.-Though Mr. Eden is considered as a minillerial advocate, he treats Dr. P. with that politeness and respect which are undoubtedly due not only to the Doctor's abilities, but to his truly patriotic views as a public writer: and he candidly acknowledges himself indebted to his reverend antagonift for that liberality of mind with which,' says Mr. Eden, he has communicated to me the knowledge of some of my own errors, at the same time that he differed from me, as to the principal positions which I had wiihed to eitablih.'--This is handsome ; and it will seem not only HANDSOME but GENEROUS, if we allow that he has the ad. vantage of the Doctor on the subje&ts of the Coinage, and of the Poo pulation of England. We cannot pretend, here, to enter into the calculations made by thele ingenious writers, with respect to the Jast mentioned subject, nor to examine the data on which they are founded; but we hope, at leasi, chat Mr. Eden is right in his actempt to prove, in opposition to Dr. P. that this country is not in a decreasing face of population. Art. 26. The System. Occasioned by the Speech of Leonard

Smelt, E'q; laie Sub-governor to their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales and Bithop of Ofnaburgh, at the Meeting at York, Dec. 30, 1779.

8vo. 6d. Almon. A very good whiggith sermon, to which Mr. Smelt's speech * serves for a text. The Author writes with a becoming decency of language, but his sentiments and reasonings are not the less weighty or energetic on this account; nor is the view that he has given of our political fituation the less alarming for the dispassionate terms in which he expatiates concerning the dangerous inroads that have been made on the British conftitution of government; and which are all resolved into the System that (as it is affirmed) hath been adopted by the secret counsellors of the crown.'

See, also, The Yorkshire Question,' in our laft Month's Catalogue, Art. 13.


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