tion is thought will be a great thing, or else otherwise to advance her to some certain living, decent for such an estate, whereby she may be the better had in reputation; it is thought the more acceleration would be made for her: and then a like direction to be taken for my Lady Elizabeth, whereby as his Grace by the one, may provide him with a present friend, so he may have the other in store hereafter, at his pleasure, to get also another friend, as the commodity of his affairs shall require; for as we think the only sheet-anchor the French King hath, is to compass the marriage between the Duke of Orleans and the Duchess of Milan, which in estate were not to be compared with any of the King's daughters, if she wanted that endowment of Milan, which the French King thinketh by that means to get into his hands,— and if that should happen, then shall not only the French King and the bishop of Rome wyre together, by all likelihood against us, so that the King's Highness shall be destitute of friendship on all sides; but also his daughters shall as well remain unprovided for, as be left in such case as no prince of honour shall be left to desire the King's amity, by mean of either of the same."9 Royal blood has been often mentioned as a subject worthy of great veneration, but it certainly was treated here, with no enviable distinction; nor does there appear to have been any hesitation, for a single day, before the wild counsel was, at least, attempted to be put in practice. By the 22d of February, Henry himself is writing, in cypher, to his ambassador Wyatt, and the old amity was supposed to be renewed, and confirmed. The Spanish ambassadors seemed to accept of the overture for his Majesty's three children, including the infant Edward of four months old! Mary to be given in marriage to Don Louis of Portugal, Elizabeth to one of King Ferdinand's sons, and the infant Prince to one of the Emperor's daughters, born or to be born !10 It was but a few days after this, when Francis advanced once more, and professed to agree that Henry should be the mediator between himself and Charles; sending at the same time his ambassador, the Bishop of Tarbes, with his commission to the English monarch. He farther promised that he would make no peace otherwise, and that as to the Pontiff's Council now called, he would show all friendship to Henry. The ambassador and his attendants made no scruple in affirming boldly, that "all the Emperor's promises had no good faith or meaning in them, but were full of fraud and deceit." To all this, Henry informs Wyatt, he had replied greatly to the Emperor's honour, though at the same moment he charges his ambassador to "use all his dexterity that the crafty dealing of which the Frenchmen spake, might be discovered in themselves."11 Before the 10th of March, however, and as if the Frenchmen had spoken truth, Wriothsley, the English ambassador at Brussels, intimated a sudden change in the Lady Regent's deportment, immediately after the arrival of two couriers from Spain;12 and by the 4th of April, Crum 9 Cotton MS., Titus, B. i., fol. 481. Harleian MS., No. 282, fol. 175, 182. 10 Harleian MS., No. 282, fol. i., and fol. 17 Original. 12 Idem, fol. 187. well, in writing to Spain, informs Sir T. Wyatt, that in treating with the Spanish ambassadors, "they found many fair words, but attended with very small effects." He then blames Wyatt for sending his letters open to the Bishop of Winchester, (GARDINER, in Paris,) and intimates that Dr. T. Heynes and Dr. Edmund Bonner are coming to Barcelona from the King. 13 Next day, or the 5th of April, the King himself writes also to Wyatt, that the Spanish ambassadors in England had no power to treat with him as to the "chiefest point of all," his marriage with the Duchess of Milan.14 Bonner and Heynes, on the 7th, were the bearers of these letters, and also fresh instructions, to co-operate with Wyatt, "in searching out the bottom of their hearts in Spain," as Wriothsley had advised;15 but anxiety being still on the increase, by the 16th Crumwell orders Sir Thomas home, since "he had matters to declare by word of mouth, which he could not do by writing," and Mr. Pate the bearer is to be his successor. 16 On the 4th of May, however, Henry himself writes, informing these ambassadors in Spain that Francis, through Gardiner at Paris, had now offered the Duke of Orleans to the Lady Mary of England, in hopes that the Emperor would give the Duchy of Milan with her! But that as the French King had now referred all matters of controversy between him and the Emperor to the Pontiff, Henry could not allow him to be a meddler, a mediator, or a principal contrahent, where he himself should be a party.17 What then must have been the mortification of the English monarch, when he found that he had been deceived both by France and Spain? For after all this tortuous procedure, the Emperor and Francis actually negociated through the Pontiff, and that by his request also, at NICE. There, Charles appeared as though he would not bow to a personal interview with his rival, which was only a secret understanding between the parties; while the Pontiff managed all matters between them so dexterously, that by the 18th of June, a truce of ten years was agreed upon; both powers engaging to send ambassadors to Rome, and there discuss their pretensions at leisure! Upon this Paul recalled his Legates gone to Vicenza, and deferred the Council called, till April next year: boasting, no doubt, in the meanwhile, that he had restored peace to Europe. In July, the Emperor returning home, had set sail for Barcelona, and drew near to the island of St. Margaret on the coast of Provence. When Francis, who happened to be not far distant, heard of this, he considered it as an office of civility to invite him ashore, and proposed a personal interview at Aigues-Mortes. The Emperor seemed to hesitate for a moment, but then repaired thither. "As soon as he had cast anchor in 13 Idem, fol. 189. Gardiner had his nephew, Germain Gardiner, with him in France, and he was ever busy in showing the King's letters to strangers. This man, who printed a miserable and false tract against Fryth, dated from Esher 1st August 1534, was afterwards charged with denying Henry's Supremacy, and executed at Tyburn so late as the 7th of March 1544. 14 Idem, fol. 26. 15 Idem, fol. 32, b. 16 Idem, fol. 197. 17 Idem, fol. 54. the road, Francis, relying implicitly on the Emperor's honour for his security, visited him on board his galley, and was entertained with the warmest demonstrations of esteem. Next day, the Emperor repaying the confidence which the King had placed in him, landed, and met with a reception equally cordial. He remained on shore during the night. After twenty years of open hostilities, or of secret enmity-after so many injuries reciprocally inflicted or endured-after having formally given the lie, and challenged one another to single combat-after the Emperor had inveighed so publicly (at Rome) against Francis, as a prince void of honour or integrity-and after Francis had accused him of being accessary to the murder of his eldest son-such an interview appears altogether singular and even unnatural. But the history of these monarchs abounds with such surprising transitions. From implacable hatred, they appeared to pass in a moment to the most cordial reconcilement; and after practising all the dark arts of a deceitful policy, they could assume, of a sudden, the liberal and open manners of two gentlemen."18 At present, however, it is evident that, as sovereigns, they were both reduced to a state of comparative exhaustion; or alike wearied" in the multitude of their counsels, and the greatness of their way." These were the first moments of a breathing time, which, after all, so far from extending to ten, was disturbed in two years, and ended in four. The Emperor has been represented as driven, by stress of weather, to St. Margaret's, but Lord Herbert affirms that this meeting was by private concert between the two sovereigns; as from the number of their attendants, and their mutual jealousy of Paul, their seeing each other, whether at their respective Courts, or in the Pontiff's at Nice, was not safe. This is most probably correct; for the truth is, that the ambassadors of England also, were with both Charles and Francis. Bonner's amusing account of Wyatt, Heynes, and himself, being at Villa Franca, is given by Foxe; while Gardiner also was with the French King. But, besides, Cardinal Pole was actually with the Pontiff, only two miles distant, at Nice; where he had been most courteously treated and caressed by all parties.19 But we are not yet done with the Emperor and his attendants during this meeting. It will be remembered that on the 16th of May, Sir T. Wyatt had been recalled, and in returning he proceeded "from Villa Franca, in post, into England." In order, therefore, to prolong the delusion, it will scarcely be believed that Charles had made proposals from this very spot, to induce the King of England to join him in a friendly league, which might be made effective against Francis!! It was probably this step which led Crumwell to suspect, if not declare, 18 Robertson's Charles V. 19 See the letter of Theobald, already quoted, page 530, vol. i. that "the friendship at Aigues-Mortes would not last," but his royal Master, though affecting to be gratified by this overture, did not then pay any attention to it.20 The fact was, that other parties, from Germany, of whom we shall hear presently, were now in England; and, under the pressure of circumstances just described, Henry, from political motives, was now disposed to turn aside from his matrimonial excursions, and see whether, by some friendly co-operation with the German Princes, he might not improve the security of his kingdom, and be ready to cope with both the Emperor and Francis, set on by the Pontiff, should any attempt be made upon England. On the 19th of July, the Emperor had re-embarked for Barcelona; and, still steadily carrying on the farce with England, upon reaching home, he immediately despatched a commission, dated the 26th of the same month, to his sister the Princess Regent of Flanders, " to treat with the plenipotentiaries of Henry VIII. about the renewal of treaties and marriages." 21 While Francis, who did not arrive in Paris till the beginning of September, found upon the road, that a change must take place in the British embassy at his Court. All this was, of course, no welcome news, more especially to the King of England, for certainly he had now been out-witted by both Sovereigns; while such an assembly as had now been held at Nice, might well cause Henry to forbode a storm. Marriage with any foreign party must be laid aside for a few months, and another course of policy pursued. Meanwhile, of the two Sovereigns, Henry was most incensed with the King of France, and he had most reason; while Gardiner's procedure as ambassador, had contributed to embarrass the counsels of his own Sovereign. Though living in Paris, he leaned towards the side of the Emperor. He, as well as Thirlby his coadjutor, who had no objections, must be recalled, and the Court of France be furnished with another man. As Bonner, therefore, with Heynes, had returned from Villa Franca to Barcelona, the King's letters were immediately transmitted to the former; ordering him to proceed to France, and succeed Gardiner. The latter, says Lord Herbert, "had soured all things; since being one who both disliked his own King's late proceedings, and secretly favoured 20 In four months after this, however, he will. Meanwhile, let it only be observed that Wyatt had arrived in London with the overture on the 17th of June, as it appears by the account of his expenses.-Vespas. c. xiv., fol. 19. 21 Cotton MS., Vespas. c. vii., fol. 89. It certainly would baffle the researches of the most careful observer, to ascertain which of these Sovereigns, or their advisers, exceeded in duplicity. But the reader may remark that while Charles was in the very act of negociating with the King of France, he had sent by Wyatt, in June, proposals to the King of England for a league against him. The proposals reached London by the 17th, but the very next day Charles had agreed to a truce with Francis, for ten years; had exchanged civilities with him after this at Aigues-Mortes; and yet here is a mock commission for the renewal of treaties with England! On the other hand, Henry was busy with the German Confederates, and we shall see in October, how he acted towards Charles in return. Bonner the Emperor, he did his master little service in that Court." 22 set off immediately, and meeting with Gardiner not far from Lyon, on the 7th of August, when slowly following the French King, a tremendous explosion took place between the parties. The Bishop of Winchester, who had evidently, by his own showing, lived in great style at Paris, as ambassador, felt like a man that was caught in an evil course, and he was also indignant at the idea of Archdeacon Bonner succeeding him. "His disdainful nature," says Foxe, "did stomach him exceedingly," and the quarrel continued so hot between them, as actually to last all the way, like a running fight, from near Lyon, through Tarare, Varennes, Moulins, and Bourges, to Blois.23 Francis, however, being at the village of Chambord, ten miles eastward, Gardiner behoved then to introduce his successor, and the King having left on the 1st of September, Bonner followed him on the third, in all haste to Paris. But a few days elapsed after his arrival, when, to his overflowing joy, he found by a letter from Crumwell, that he was nominated Bishop of Hereford. His predecessor, Edward Fox, a very different man, of whom we have heard, had died on the 8th of May; and Crumwell as well as Cranmer being now completely deceived by Bonner, they at once elevated this monster in human shape.24 Gardiner, before leaving Paris, had the mortification to hear of this appointment, and in the end of September, left that city for England, after an absence of exactly three years. He came home, it will be evident, with a heart full of mischievous device, and as full of secret revenge against Crumwell; first for his being sent abroad at the time he was, in 1535, and now for his being recalled.25 22 Herbert, generally very correct, has however by mistake placed Bonner's removal from Spain into France, in 1537; and this may have led Lingard and other historians to limit the absence of Gardiner to two years. Gardiner was abroad three years to a day, as will be shown presently. 23 That is, if we can trust Bonner's own words. The scene is drawn with graphic minuteness, and forms a lively picture of both the men. Foxe gives it entire, as sent home to Crumwell. They were dear friends before, when, in January 1536, Bonner published a highly eulogistic preface to Gardiner's book "De vera obedientia ;" and they will be cordial friends again, when both of them come to unite in shedding the blood of their countrymen, a few years hence. Bonner was now starting in that deeply hypocritical career, in which he so completely deceived even Crumwell. 24 For some reason, the royal assent was not given till the 27th of November; but so early as the 12th of September, when Gardiner was still in Paris, we shall presently find Coverdale and Grafton referring to Bonner as Bishop elect. This appointment Crumwell regarded as a valuable stroke of policy at the moment, but it turned out to be one of the first steps to his own ruin. Yet what could he possibly do? Gardiner had been counter-working him on the Continent, though his recall was most probably by Henry's desire. He might wish to avail himself of this Bishop's counsel, as he had begun to desire that of another-Tunstal. 25 None of the historians furnish any precise date for Gardiner's departure to France, or his return to England; some rating his absence at two, and others at three years. But the uncertainty is happily removed by a curious original document-“ the account of his expenses." For his diet alone, he charges "from the 1st October in the 27th, to the 28th September in the 30th year of his Grace's reign," or from 1535 to 1538, viz. 1094 days at £2, 13s. 4d. per day! Then there was posting, &c., and £500 given, out of £2000 lent to him by the King. Altogether, his embassy cost England £4274, 6s. 8d. This, according to our present value of money, was equal to about £64,000! No wonder than he was delighted with his appointment, reluctant to give it up, and had boasted of his style. For, besides all this, there was the See of Winchester, valued |
